A couple of examples might be useful to
show how Winch’s ideas connect with actual work in the social sciences or
social studies. I will give two examples, one that Winch discusses and one much
more recent one. In his 1964 essay “Understanding a Primitive Society,” Winch
responds to the work of E. E. Evans-Pritchard on witchcraft, magic, and the
Zande people (who in the plural are referred to as the Azande).[1]
Traditional Zande beliefs include belief in witchcraft and occult powers. Winch
says of such beliefs and their related practices that “we cannot possibly
share”[2]
them, but he also wants to avoid both abandoning “the idea that men’s ideas and
beliefs must be checkable by reference to something independent—some reality”[3]
(thereby falling into an extreme relativism) and mistakenly thinking that our
scientific beliefs and practices are more in accord with objective reality than
the Azande’s. In other words, he wants to avoid treating our rejection of Zande
beliefs and practices as something justified by reality itself, while also
wanting to avoid relativism. And he
wants to be able to understand Zande beliefs and practices without sharing or
adopting them. Can this be done?
Winch
suggests that the main reason why it is likely to seem impossible is because we
are so impressed by science and its methods. When we think of what reality is
and how we can know it we are likely to think in terms of reality as described
by science. But it is not by scientific means that we know (if we know it) the
reality of God. The conception of God’s reality, Winch says, has its place
within the religious use of language. It is not that God or the reality of God exists only within such language, but the
idea of God belongs within such
language, within a particular kind of thinking, talking, writing, painting, and
so on. We show a misunderstanding of this idea if we treat it as belonging to
scientific discourse and try, for instance, to test its validity using
scientific means. This does not mean that the idea of God is immune from
criticism. It does mean, though, that it is immune from a certain kind of criticism.
The existence of evil might disprove the existence of God. Looking through a
telescope cannot do so (unless the god in question is of a very unusual kind). Scientific,
religious, ethical, and aesthetic discourse can
influence and interact with each other, but they are not the same. And we often
best avoid confusion if we keep their differences in mind. Nor does this commit
us to relativism. If God has any reality at all then within religious language
we cannot just say whatever we like. If anything goes then such language has no
meaning at all.
An
obvious problem with this example is that many of us do not believe in God. The
following are not Winch’s examples, but I think that he might accept belief in
beauty or moral goodness as parallels to belief in God. If we believe in the
genuine goodness of Nelson Mandela or Mahatma Ghandi, or the beauty of the Mona
Lisa or Mozart’s third violin concerto, then we accept a kind of truth and a
kind of reality that are not those of science. Science does not tell us that
apartheid is wrong. But it is wrong.
And the fact that this is not a scientific truth does not mean that you or I
can say just whatever we like about it, regardless of reality. The reality is that it is wrong.
But
reality does not force us to think this way. It is possible to support apartheid. It is also possible to think or
speak in completely different terms, so that questions of justice and injustice
or beauty and ugliness simply do not, cannot, arise. If we only ever used the
terms of scientific discourse, for instance, then such matters would be outside
all our thoughts. Winch wants to say of the Azande that they have their own
form of discourse, different from our scientific discourse. He does not say that
it is just as good. But he does seem to think both that judging whether their
discourse is good or bad is not the business of science and that making such
judgments is likely to get in the way of trying to understand their way of
living and thinking. Instead of asking why they do what they do, we start
asking why they are so stupid. This is not only condescending. It is also a
different kind of question. It is a question about causes, namely the causes of
ignorance, superstition, irrationality, and so on. The question about why a
certain group of people think and behave as they do, however, is about their reasons, about the rules that guide
their behaviour. As Winch says on the first page of his essay:
An anthropologist studying such a
people wishes to make those beliefs and practices intelligible to himself and
his readers. This means presenting an account of them that will somehow satisfy
the criteria of rationality demanded by the culture to which he and his readers
belong: …[4]
It is not possible to make beliefs and practices
intelligible if the beliefs and practices in question are taken to be
irrational. The existence and persistence of irrationality can perhaps be
explained, but the irrational itself, by definition, cannot be made
intelligible. So the anthropologist cannot do what he (or she) wants to do if
he makes the mistake that Winch attributes to Evans-Pritchard. If we want to
understand practices then we must treat them as intelligible, as making sense.
We will never succeed if we start with the belief that they are irrational.
Another
mistake here is a philosophical one. Reality itself no more justifies science
than it justifies ethics or religion. I said earlier that apartheid really is
wrong. That is true. But if anyone denies it then I cannot prove myself right
by pointing to reality. What reality would I point to? The unhappy victims of
apartheid, perhaps, but when I say that apartheid is unjust I do not mean that
it makes people unhappy. Some injustices leave no unhappy survivors. Similarly,
the best proof we have that science is true is that it works so well. But
‘true’ no more means ‘works well’ than ‘just’ means ‘makes people happy’. Not
to mention the fact that science may yet lead to results that we do not
consider useful at all.
More
relevant is the fact that science is a kind of procedure, a methodology, a
practice, more than it is a body of knowledge. As a kind of enterprise it can
be neither true nor false. It cannot agree or disagree with reality. In that
sense, objectively speaking, it is neither good nor bad. And the same can be
said of witchcraft. Zande witchcraft, Winch is suggesting, is best regarded as
a kind of language, or at least better regarded as a kind of language than as a
quasi-scientific theoretical system. Not a language that we ought to try to
speak (indeed Winch rules that out as a possibility for us), but not one that
can in any straightforward sense be judged to be right or wrong. The job of the
anthropologist—that is, not the job that Winch thinks anthropologists ought to
do but rather the job that the anthropologist sets for himself—is to make
sense of this language. That cannot be done if we assume that it makes no sense
to begin with. It can be done, or so it appears from all that is good in, for
instance, Evans-Pritchard’s work, if we study carefully how the language, the
nest of beliefs and practices, is used by those who engage in it.
Now
for my second example, which I have chosen almost at random. Sociology, Winch
understandably says, has a special place in the social sciences. One of the
leading journals in sociology is the American
Journal of Sociology. When I was writing this the most recent issue of the
journal available online was Volume 119, No. 4 (the January 2014 issue). One
paper from this issue was available free, so I chose that as my example of
recent work in social studies. The paper is “Job Displacement among Single
Mothers: Effects on Children’s Outcomes in Young Adulthood” by Jennie E. Brand
and Juli Simon Thomas. The paper finds “significant negative effects of job
displacement among single mothers on children’s educational attainment and
social-psychological well-being in young adulthood.” That is, the authors
carefully confirm just what one might expect, that children of single mothers
suffer when their mothers lose their jobs because of operating decisions by
employers (such as downsizing, rather than when the individual employee is
fired or quits), and they provide details of the nature and scope of this harm.
Winch
does not say that this kind of work cannot be done, nor that it should not be
done. But it is doubtful that people who do such work would do it more
successfully if they modelled themselves more closely on physicists. The paper
involves sophisticated mathematics, but its primary interest is in children.
Its key finding is that: “Children whose mothers were displaced have lower
educational attainment and higher levels of depressive symptoms than children
whose mothers were not displaced.”[5]
Should it need saying, there is nothing wrong with gathering and analysing data
in order to confirm such unsurprising but still deniable truths, if only
because they sometimes are denied or at least ignored. But the nature of the
authors’ project is more interesting than this. On the one hand, they describe
their work as capitalizing “on a
scientific opportunity provided by extreme economic change.”[6]
On the other hand, the paper’s final paragraph is far from what one might
expect in a stereotypical scientific work. Here it is in full:
As
at least half of all children will spend some portion of their childhood raised
by a single mother, the socioeconomic well-being of such families is a
fundamental concern. We should protect disadvantaged children because they have
not made the choices that have resulted in their socioeconomic conditions, or
so goes the rhetoric on social class disparities in children’s resources. Such
discourse implicitly assumes mothers have made such choices. But women are also
subject to structural conditions largely beyond their control. Debates about
social assistance should acknowledge that job separation among single mothers
is at times involuntary and that such involuntary events are associated with
long-term unemployment, socioeconomic and social-psychological decline, and
significant intergenerational effects. We should restrict assistance neither to
the most disadvantaged mothers nor to those mothers only displaced in economic
contractions, as particularly deleterious maternal displacement effects on life
trajectories of children may accrue among otherwise more advantaged
single-parent families.[7]
We have moved from ‘is’ to ‘ought’
here, and are clearly very close to the domain of philosophy, particularly
moral and political philosophy. The precise nature of well-being is a topic
that has been discussed by philosophers since at least Aristotle, whose work
informs contemporary debates about human capability. Whether we should protect
disadvantaged children is a moral and political question, and the connection
between this and whether or not these children need help because of choices
they have made is an equally philosophical matter. The same goes for questions
about what debates should or should not acknowledge, questions about what is
voluntary and what involuntary, and questions about how the voluntariness (or
otherwise) of actions affects what ought to be done. In short, there is nothing
wrong with this kind of sociology, it seems to me, but it is not science in the
sense of being like physics, and it is importantly related to philosophy.
Winch’s major claim is that the social sciences ought not to try to be more
like physics and other natural sciences, but should instead recognize their
closeness to philosophy. It seems to me that this paper by Brand and Thomas
supports this view.
[1] Peter
Winch, “Understanding a Primitive Society,” American
Philosophical Quarterly, Volume 1, Number 4, October 1964, pp. 307-324.